Politicos
The Politicians: A satire by Dr Humayun Azad
| Khaza Abdul Ghani, Liakat Ali, Khaza Nazimuddin, Monayem Khan, Khandaker Mostak, Shah Aziz, Khaleda Zia, Anwar Zahid, Kazi Zafar, Maudud Ahmed, Nazmul Huda, |
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Khaza Abdul Goni (founder of the so-called Nawab Family) Khaza Abdul Gani was the founder of the so-called Nawab family of Dhaka. This is the only Nawab family in Bangladesh. In British India, Muslim Nawab's were the counterpart of Hindu babus. Their status and fame emanated from their alliance with and sycophancy of the British imperialism. In May, 1857, the soldiers of Barakpur, West Bengal, first revolted against the British imperialism. On 18 November, 1857, the soldiers of Chittagong joined their comrades at Barakpur. To suppress soldiers' rebellion, the Zaminders (feudal lords) in Noakhali, Comilla, and Barisal joined hands with the British rulers. When the rebellion spread in Dhaka on 22 November, Khaza Abdul Gani, among the ancestors of Nawab Salimullah, sided with the British rulers to stop the rebellion. The victorious British authority, due to Abdul Gani's loyalty, accorded him the title, Nawab. Abdul Gani's successors conserved the family tradition of betrayal. They were always loyal to the British rulers. They were conferred the Nawab title as a reward for their betrayal in the soldiers' rebellion in 1857. In 1905 they were awarded 14 lakh (14,000,000) takas due to their support of the division of Bengal proposed by the British rulers for their convenience. Salimullah was accorded GCSI and GCIE titles later for his support to dissolve the "division of Bengal" proposal coined by the British again for political convenience. |
| Liakot Ali |
| Khaza Nazimuddin |
| Monayem Khan |
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Khandaker Mostak
The uncouth but treacherous disciple of Jinnah, the founder of the so-called Islamic state, Pakistan. But lacking Jinnah's education and grooming, Khandaker Mostak, had been used as a dupe by the imperialist forces who exploited his naked political ambition. Due to his unenlightened character and opportunist bent of mind, Mostak was more machiavellian than Jinnah. Although Jinnah (personally secular) used Islam to compete with Nehru (he could never be the premier of India) and instigated communal riots to achieve his political goals, he did not involve in the murder of his political colleagues. Whereas Mostak not only nipped in the bud the mainstream secular politics in Bangladesh but also ruthlessly murdered his political colleagues to perpetuate political recession into Islamic medievalism. During the liberation war, Mostak opposed by all means the independence of Bangladesh: he tried to subvert the provisional government from within as well as the war of independence through conspiracy in alliance with the vicious representatives of imperialism: the CIA and Henry Kissinger. He instigated all the top Awami league leaders to undermine and remove Taj Uddin Ahmed from the head of the provisional government and the leader of the liberation war. Mostak was also the saboteur of democracy after the military coup of 1975 backed by the anti-liberation forces from within and CIA and Henri Kissinger from without. An arch hypocrite Mostak always maintained a shoddy Islamic appearance to veil his essentially venomous nature. His religious pretense could not fool Taj Uddin Ahmed. Taj Uddin Ahmed, competent statesman as he was, had the political acumen to quash all of Mostak's destructive plots in order to subvert Bangalees' struggle for independence (for details of Mostak's anti liberation conspiracies see Muldhara-71, Maidul Hasan, UPL). As long as Tajuddin had the leadership Mostak could not apply his venoms in the political spheres of the liberating Bangladesh. All he did was secretly plant his poison tree. But as soon as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman took over, he directly fell under the spell of Mostak's witchcraft: his sycophancy, his Islamic pretenses. The tragedy of Sk Mujib's life was the tragedy of desertion. Away from the most crucial nine months of struggling Bangladesh, Sk Mujib, the invincible nationalist leader, was unaware of the venomous cobras hidden in the top echelon of his cabinet. Sk Mujib's greatest political blunder was his progressive distance from Tajuddin and the secular politicians of his ministry since his political take over. He never asked Tajuddin how the war was won and who were the friends and foes of the nascent Bangladesh. For the next four years the vicious Mostak group took Sk Mujib away from his real comrades at arms who fought all their lives for the same cause as his: free the Bangalees from the colonial repression. The more Sk Mujib deserted Tajuddin and his colleagues and associates the more he lost his popularity, the more he went away from the hearts of the Banglaees. In 1975 when Sk Mujib almost lost everything he stood for in 1969 and completely isolated from the sources of his political power, the people, and surrounded only by the sycophants and hypocrites: Mostak inflicted his deadly blows. Mostak's henchmen killed Sk Mujib, his family including his eight year son Russell, his pregnant daughter-in-laws, and relatives. Mostak did not stop in crushing the icon of Bangalee freedom (Sk Mujib) he ruthlessly murdered all the key figures for the independence of Bangladesh (and his political colleagues for last 15 years) in Dhaka Central Jail: Mostak killed all the key figures involved in liberating Bangladesh from Pakistan as part of his vicious scheme to make a virtual Pakistan out of independent Bangladesh. He restored the pro Pakistani (Islamic) state machinery and set the ideology for the Muslim oligharchists: the army, the bureaucracy and the Mohajirs (Muslim settlers from India after 1947) Mostak
will forever be condemned as the enactor of one the most inhuman ordinances
in history: The Indemnity ordinance of 1975. Thismonstrous ordinance
constitutionally endorses the murderers of Sk Mujibur Rahman, his family,
relatives and top four national leaders in Dhaka Central
Jail. |
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Shah Aziz Misrepresented the causes of our war of independence at the UN in 1971 where he reinforced the Pakistani propagandas about our liberation war i.e.: it was a conflict between Pakistani defense forces and the separatist Hindu activists. Served the office of the prime minister during general Zia regime. |
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Anwar Zahid
Anwar Zahid, a leading member of the
(pro Chinese) East Pakistan Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) in the 1960s and a member in the cabinet of president Ershad in the
mid 80s, was a collaborator of the Pakistan army in 1971, and acted as an
intelligence gatherer for the military during the war. It has been revealed, in an official investigation, that Zahid had been working as an informer of the military since the 1960s. Zahid visited West Pakistan in early 1960s, and held series of meetings with military intelligence officers, and received a sum of 500,000 rupees as payment. This information was provided by Zahid's former party colleague Nurunnabi, and Lutfe Alam, a close friend. His association with the Pakistan military intelligence became known within his party circles and he was later expelled from the EPCP (M-L). But he maintained contact with leaders of the party and the EPCP (M- L) later collaborated with the Pakistan army during the war of 1971.
Lutfe Alam, an advocate at the High Court, said that when the National
Awami Party (NAP) led by Maulana Bhasani, decided to boycott the 1970 parliamentary polls, Zahid and some of his
comrades resigned from the party. Zahid's complaint was that if NAP boycotted the polls, then the nationalist
Awami League would win, which would lead to the break up of Pakistan, turning East Pakistan into a province of India. Pakistan military intelligence had similar analysis about the elections and prospect of a
Awami League victory. During the war of independence Zahid became an active informer of the
Pakistani army. Aktar Jahan Begum, the landlady of the house where Zahid lived as a tenant in 1971, said, "Zahid was fanatically against the liberation war. Officers of the military used to regularly visit his house, and stay till late at night. Our
neighbors, frightened by Zahid's close association with the military, asked my husband to tell him to
move and rent another house. When my husband asked Zahid to leave, he got very angry and threatened to tell the army. After that, Zahid did not even pay his rent regularly. We could not say anything out of fear. Since they rented a part of our house, and we lived in the adjoining part, his wife and children used to visit us regularly. His wife Laili told us that there were regular secret meetings with army officers and leaders of political parties opposed to the liberation war in her house. Laili said Zahid was particularly friendly with one Major Siddique Salik. There were other officers, like Major Malik, Captain Chowdhury etc., who visited their house regularly". Jamal Nasser, son of the landlady, said, "I used to be friends with Zahid's daughters Shoma and Antu. They used to always brag about their dad's friendship with army officers. Shoma also said
that Zahid used to have regular rows with his wife over his hobnobbing with army officers. Shoma said her mother often called
Zahid a 'killer' and a 'crony' and other names". One Atiqur Rahman Khan was a neighbor of Zahid at the time. His son Syed Ahanimad Khan
said "Zahid used always to propagate against the liberation war and tell us to join the
Razakar force. Atique
used to visit his house regularly and often saw leaders of political parties and army officers having meetings there. I
once met Major Salik personally". Prior to the liberation war, Zahid was the chief reporter of an English daily The People. The editor of the paper, Abidur Rahman also pointed out Zahid's intimacy with the intelligence officers, particularly Salik. During the war, Zahid also worked as a supplier of provisions to the Pakistan army. This was confirmed by Haji Selim, son of Sobhan Sardar, a prominent wholesale businessman at Shyam Bazar. Selim said, "Zahid used to buy large amounts of goods from our shop" One indication of Zahid's anti-liberation activities came from a small item of news published in the daily Purbadesh, on Oct 12, 197 1, which informed its readers that "the general secretary of NAP, Mashiur Rahman and former joint secretary Anwar Zahid met with leaders of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) in Dhaka on Oct I I Monday. Maulana Kawser Niazi, publicity secretary of the PPP said that the talks had been fruitful". It may be mentioned here that the PPP, like the Jamaat-i- Islami, also backed the Pakistan army's campaign against the people of Bangladesh. |
| Nazmul
Huda
Comments of Bana Huda or Behuda:
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Fazlul Huq and Pakistan Proposal: Amalesh Guha
Heraldry List of British India: SN Mukherjee Collection, Universitry of Western Sydney, Australia
History of the Muslims of Bengal, Volume 1A: Mohammad Mohar Ali: : Ibn Saud Islamic University, Riyadh, 1985
Killers and Collaborators of 1971: An Account of Their Whereabouts, compiled and published by the Center for the Development of the Spirit of the Liberation War
Commission on War Criminals of Bangladesh
Speeches and Statements of Killers & Collaborators of 1971: Saiduzzaman Raushan
Muldhara: '71: Muyeedul Hasan
Tales of a Million: Major Rafiqul Islam
Democracy in Bangladesh: Elements of Process and Consensus: Muntassir Mamoon
Muntassir Mamoon: Je deshe Razakar Bara (Where Paki Collaborators rule)
Various articles published in Janakantha
Abdul Gaffar Chowdhury: Various columns
Bangaldesh over Thosuands Years: Mohammad Hannan: Sahitya Prokash
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