Politicos

 

The Politicians: A satire by Dr Humayun Azad

 

Khaza Abdul Ghani, Liakat Ali, Khaza Nazimuddin, Monayem Khan, Khandaker Mostak, Shah Aziz, Khaleda Zia, Anwar Zahid, Kazi Zafar, Maudud Ahmed, Nazmul Huda,

Khaza Abdul Goni (founder of the so-called Nawab Family)

Khaza Abdul Gani was the founder of the so-called Nawab family of Dhaka. This is the only Nawab family in Bangladesh. In British India, Muslim Nawab's were the counterpart of Hindu babus. Their status and fame emanated from their alliance with and sycophancy  of the British imperialism. 

In May, 1857, the soldiers of Barakpur, West Bengal, first revolted against the British imperialism. On 18 November, 1857, the soldiers of Chittagong joined their comrades at Barakpur. To suppress soldiers'  rebellion, the Zaminders (feudal lords) in Noakhali, Comilla, and Barisal joined hands with the British rulers. When the rebellion spread in Dhaka on 22 November, Khaza Abdul Gani, among the ancestors of Nawab Salimullah, sided with the British rulers to stop the rebellion. The victorious British authority, due to Abdul Gani's loyalty, accorded him the title, Nawab.   

Abdul Gani's successors conserved the family tradition of betrayal. They were always loyal to the British rulers. They were conferred the Nawab title as a reward for their betrayal in the soldiers' rebellion in 1857. In 1905 they were awarded 14 lakh (14,000,000)  takas due to their support of the division of Bengal proposed by the British rulers for their convenience. Salimullah was accorded GCSI and GCIE titles later for his support  to dissolve the "division of Bengal" proposal coined by the British again for political convenience.

Liakot Ali
Khaza Nazimuddin
Monayem Khan

Khandaker Mostak

 

The uncouth but treacherous disciple of Jinnah, the founder of the so-called Islamic state, Pakistan. But lacking Jinnah's education and grooming, Khandaker Mostak, had been  used as a dupe by the imperialist forces who exploited  his naked political ambition. Due to his unenlightened character and opportunist bent of mind, Mostak was more machiavellian than Jinnah. Although Jinnah (personally secular) used Islam to compete with Nehru (he could never be the premier of India) and instigated communal riots to achieve his political goals, he did not involve in the murder of his political colleagues.  Whereas Mostak not only nipped in the bud the  mainstream secular politics in Bangladesh but  also ruthlessly murdered his political colleagues to perpetuate political recession into Islamic medievalism.

During the liberation war, Mostak opposed by all means the independence of Bangladesh: he tried to subvert the provisional government from within as well as the war of independence through conspiracy in alliance with the vicious representatives of imperialism: the  CIA and Henry Kissinger. He instigated all the top Awami league leaders to undermine and remove Taj Uddin Ahmed from the head of the provisional government and the leader of the liberation war. Mostak was also the saboteur of democracy after the military coup of 1975  backed by the anti-liberation forces from within and CIA and Henri Kissinger from without. 

An arch hypocrite Mostak always maintained a shoddy Islamic appearance to veil his essentially venomous nature. His religious pretense could not fool Taj Uddin Ahmed. Taj Uddin Ahmed, competent statesman as he was, had the political acumen to quash all of Mostak's destructive plots in order to subvert Bangalees' struggle for independence (for details of Mostak's anti liberation conspiracies see Muldhara-71, Maidul Hasan, UPL).  As long as Tajuddin had the leadership Mostak could not apply his venoms in the political spheres of the liberating Bangladesh. All he did was secretly plant his poison tree. But as soon as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman took over, he directly fell under the spell of Mostak's witchcraft: his sycophancy, his Islamic pretenses. The tragedy of Sk Mujib's life was the tragedy of desertion. Away from the most crucial nine months of struggling Bangladesh, Sk Mujib, the invincible nationalist leader,  was unaware of the venomous cobras hidden in the top echelon of his cabinet. Sk Mujib's greatest political blunder was his progressive distance from Tajuddin and the secular politicians of his ministry since his political take over. He never asked Tajuddin how the war was won and who were the friends and foes of the nascent Bangladesh. For the next four years the vicious Mostak group took Sk Mujib away from his real comrades at arms who fought all their lives for the same cause as his: free the Bangalees from the  colonial repression. The more Sk Mujib deserted Tajuddin and his colleagues and associates the more he lost his popularity, the more he went away from the hearts of the Banglaees. In 1975 when Sk Mujib almost lost everything he stood for in 1969 and completely isolated from the sources of his political power, the people, and surrounded only by the sycophants and hypocrites: Mostak inflicted his deadly blows. Mostak's henchmen killed Sk Mujib, his family including his eight year son Russell, his pregnant daughter-in-laws, and relatives. Mostak did not stop in crushing the icon of Bangalee freedom (Sk Mujib) he ruthlessly murdered all the key figures for the independence of Bangladesh (and his political colleagues for last 15 years)  in Dhaka Central Jail:  

Mostak killed all the key figures involved in liberating Bangladesh from Pakistan as part of his vicious scheme to make a virtual Pakistan out of independent Bangladesh. He restored the pro Pakistani (Islamic) state machinery and set the ideology for the Muslim oligharchists: the army, the bureaucracy and the Mohajirs (Muslim settlers from India after 1947) 

Mostak will forever be condemned as the enactor of one the most inhuman ordinances in history: The Indemnity ordinance of 1975. Thismonstrous ordinance constitutionally endorses the murderers of Sk Mujibur Rahman, his family, relatives and top four national leaders in Dhaka Central Jail. This ordinance also secured the hegemony of the anti-liberation forces for few decades and underscored Bangladeshi constitution as the most inhuman charter.   

Kissinger on Khandeker Mostak group: "we established contact with the Bangladesh people in Calcutta, and during August, September and October of this year, no fewer than eight such contacts took place. We approached Yahya Khan three times in order to begin negotiations with the Bangladeshi people in Calcutta. The government of Pakistan accepted."    :Congressional Records, December 9, 1971, P:45735

Shah Aziz

Misrepresented the causes of our war of independence at the UN in 1971 where he reinforced the Pakistani propagandas about our liberation war i.e.: it was a conflict between Pakistani defense forces and the separatist Hindu activists. Served the office of the prime minister during general Zia regime.

Anwar Zahid

Anwar Zahid,  a leading member of the (pro Chinese) East Pakistan Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) in the 1960s and a member in the cabinet of president Ershad in the mid 80s, was a collaborator of the Pakistan army in 1971, and acted as an  intelligence gatherer for the military during the war. 

It has been revealed, in an official investigation, that Zahid had been working as an informer of the military since the 1960s. Zahid visited West Pakistan in early 1960s, and held series of meetings with military intelligence officers, and received a sum of 500,000 rupees as payment. This information was provided by Zahid's former party colleague Nurunnabi, and Lutfe Alam, a close friend. His association with the Pakistan military intelligence became known within his party circles and he was later expelled from the EPCP (M-L). But he maintained contact with leaders of the party and the EPCP (M- L) later collaborated with the Pakistan army during the war of 1971. 

Lutfe Alam, an advocate at the High Court, said that when the National Awami Party (NAP) led by Maulana Bhasani, decided to boycott the 1970 parliamentary polls, Zahid and some of his comrades resigned from the party. Zahid's complaint was that if NAP boycotted the polls, then the nationalist Awami League would win, which would lead to the break up of Pakistan, turning East Pakistan into a province of India. Pakistan military intelligence had similar analysis about the elections and prospect of a Awami League victory. 

During the war of independence Zahid became an active informer of the Pakistani army.  Aktar Jahan Begum, the landlady of the house where Zahid lived as a tenant in 1971, said, "Zahid was fanatically against the liberation war. Officers of the military used to regularly visit his house, and stay till late at night. Our neighbors, frightened by Zahid's close association with the military, asked my husband to tell him to move and rent another house. When my husband asked Zahid to leave, he got very angry and threatened to tell the army. After that, Zahid did not even pay his rent regularly. We could not say anything out of fear. Since they rented a part of our house, and we lived in the adjoining part, his wife and children used to visit us regularly. His wife Laili told us that there were regular secret meetings with army officers and leaders of political parties opposed to the liberation war in her house. Laili said Zahid was particularly friendly with one Major Siddique Salik. There were other officers, like Major Malik, Captain Chowdhury etc., who visited their house regularly". 

Jamal Nasser, son of the landlady, said, "I used to be friends with Zahid's daughters Shoma and Antu. They used to always brag about their dad's friendship with army officers. Shoma also said that Zahid used to have regular rows with his wife over his hobnobbing with army officers. Shoma said her mother often called Zahid a 'killer' and a 'crony' and other names". 

One Atiqur Rahman Khan was a neighbor of Zahid at the time. His son Syed Ahanimad Khan said "Zahid used always to propagate against the liberation war and tell us to join the Razakar force. Atique used to visit his house regularly and often saw leaders of political parties and army officers having meetings there. I once  met Major Salik personally". 

It is apparent from the above testimony that Zahid used to conduct his intelligence work through Major Salik. Siddique Salik was top intelligence officer, who worked under the guise of the military's public relations officer. Haider, a journalist working for the daily Jahane Nao, a newspaper published during the war period, said Zahid once organized a reception party at the national press club in honor of this Major Salik. "Zahid was the first to invite Salik to the press club, to facilitate gathering of intelligence about the freedom fighters from working journalists", he said. 

Prior to the liberation war, Zahid was the chief reporter of an English daily The People. The editor of the paper, Abidur Rahman also pointed out Zahid's intimacy with the intelligence officers, particularly Salik. During the war, Zahid also worked as a supplier of provisions to the Pakistan army. This was confirmed by Haji Selim, son of Sobhan Sardar, a prominent wholesale businessman at Shyam Bazar. Selim said, "Zahid used to buy large amounts of goods from our shop"

One indication of Zahid's anti-liberation activities came from a small item of news published in the daily Purbadesh, on Oct 12, 197 1, which informed its readers that "the general secretary of NAP, Mashiur Rahman and former joint secretary Anwar Zahid met with leaders of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) in Dhaka on Oct I I Monday. Maulana Kawser Niazi, publicity secretary of the PPP said that the talks had been fruitful". It may be mentioned here that the PPP, like the Jamaat-i- Islami, also backed the Pakistan army's campaign against the people of Bangladesh.

 Nazmul Huda

Comments of Bana Huda or Behuda
1. Jamat was right in 1971 (2003)
2. I will fix the journalists with RAB if they don't behave (January 2005)

 

 

 

Reference:

Fazlul Huq and Pakistan Proposal: Amalesh Guha
Heraldry List of British India: SN Mukherjee Collection, Universitry of Western Sydney, Australia 
History of the Muslims of Bengal, Volume 1A: Mohammad Mohar Ali: : Ibn Saud Islamic University, Riyadh, 1985 
Killers and Collaborators of 1971: An Account of Their Whereabouts, compiled and published by the Center for the Development of the Spirit of the Liberation War Commission on War Criminals of Bangladesh
Speeches and Statements of Killers & Collaborators of 1971: Saiduzzaman Raushan 
Muldhara: '71: Muyeedul Hasan 
Tales of a Million:
Major Rafiqul Islam  
Democracy in Bangladesh: Elements of Process and Consensus: Muntassir Mamoon
Muntassir Mamoon: Je deshe Razakar Bara (Where Paki Collaborators rule)
Various articles published in Janakantha 
Abdul Gaffar Chowdhury: Various columns 
Bangaldesh over Thosuands Years: Mohammad Hannan: Sahitya Prokash

 

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